Spain

Spain appears in Thomas Paine’s argument as a European power whose relationship with the American colonies is shaped by their dependence on Great Britain. It is not presented as an inherent enemy of America: Paine argues that colonial subjection makes Spain an adversary by association, while independence could allow the continent to pursue peaceful commerce and escape entanglement in British conflicts.

Spain as an Imputed Enemy

Paine disputes the claim that the colonies are related to one another only through the parent country. That theory, he argues, makes their common political connection with Britain the basis of their common enemies: France and Spain have not been, and perhaps never will be, enemies of the colonies as Americans, but may oppose them because they are subjects of Great Britain. Spain’s place in the argument is therefore relational rather than intrinsic. The danger arises from imperial allegiance, which turns a European conflict into an American one.

This distinction supports Paine’s broader challenge to reconciliation. Dependence on Britain, he contends, draws the continent into European wars and puts it at variance with nations from which it has no separate grievance. Since Europe is the colonies’ market, he urges them not to form a partial connection with any European power; Britain’s political interests otherwise make America a counterweight in struggles that are not its own.

Trade, Peace, and Independence

Paine imagines a different relationship with Spain under independence. America’s commercial plan, he argues, could secure the peace and friendship of Europe because European nations would benefit from access to a free port. Trade would serve as protection, while the continent’s lack of gold and silver would make it a less tempting target for invasion. Spain belongs to the European audience for this proposed commercial neutrality, not to a list of natural American enemies.

The diplomatic argument becomes especially pointed when Paine considers foreign assistance. He says that France or Spain would have little reason to help the colonies if they intended to use that aid merely to repair the breach with Britain and strengthen the very connection that disadvantaged those powers. Independence would change the purpose and standing of American resistance: instead of fighting as British subjects whose cause foreign governments could not properly mediate, the colonies could address other courts as a separate political community.

A Proposed Appeal to Foreign Courts

Paine proposes that a manifesto be sent to foreign courts describing the colonies’ sufferings and their failed peaceful efforts to obtain redress. It would declare that they could no longer live safely or happily under the British court, explain that separation had become necessary, and assure other courts of their peaceful intentions and desire to trade. Such a memorial, he argues, could do more for the continent than another shipload of petitions to Britain.

Spain is not singled out as the recipient of a particular appeal or as a confirmed ally. Rather, it is included in the broader prospect of relations with foreign powers: while the colonies retain the designation of British subjects, foreign courts cannot receive or hear them on equal terms; independence would allow them to take rank among nations and present their case directly. In Paine’s reasoning, Spain’s significance lies in this change of political status—from an apparent enemy under British rule to a possible participant in peaceful European commerce once America acts for itself.